A
Framework for Competition, Competitiveness and Development
Department
of Trade and Industry Pretoria
27
November 1997
The
Evolution of Policy in SA.
1
Proposed
Guidelines for Competition Policy.
1
The
Role of Competition Policy Guidelines.
4
1.2
Competition Policy Guidelines.
4
1.3
Defining the public interest
5
The
Evolution of Competition Policy.
7
2.3
Alignment with other government initiatives.
9
2.4
Fundamental principles underpinning competition policies.
9
The
Need for a New Monopolies Law.
11
Competition
Policy, International Trade Policy and Industrial Strategy.
14
4.1
The need for policy reinvention.
14
4.2
Competing perspectives on competition, trade and industrial policy.
14
4.3
Reconciling policy objectives.
15
Competition
Policy and the Public Corporations.
17
5.1
Issues associated with legislated monopoly.
17
Competition
Policy and the Professions.
18
Competition
Policy and Empowerment
18
Instruments
and Institutions.
19
8.2
Areas of and approach to regulation.
19
9.2
Institutional improvement
22
10.2
Summary of competition policy initiatives.
23
1.1.1
The need for our first democratic Government to revise fundamentally the
inherited competition policy has never been in doubt. As early as 1992, the
African National Congress (in its Policy Guidelines for a Democratic South
Africa) specified the broad outline of the approach that is today proposed:
"The concentration of economic power in the hands of a few conglomerates
has been detrimental to balanced economic development in South Africa. The ANC
is not opposed to large firms as such. However, the ANC will introduce
anti-monopoly, anti-trust and merger policies in accordance with international
norms and practices, to curb monopolies and continued domination of the economy
by a minority within the white minority and to promote greater efficiency in the
private sector."
1.1.2
Since 1994 considerable time has been spent on research and consultations
with a wide range of stakeholders. On behalf of the Government the Department of
Trade and Industry now presents this broad framework as guidelines for
Competition Policy. These will initiate a process toward new legislation.
1.1.3
The overriding goal is to achieve a more effective economy in South
Africa and this in turn requires us to better define what is meant by the
"public interest" with respect to South Africa's corporate structure
and firm behaviour. The public interest is far broader than the sectional
interests of firms and their workers within a particular industry. It also
stretches beyond the interests of consumers, of emerging black entrepreneurs or
of labour and community constituencies more broadly - although each must be
satisfied that the end result fairly addresses their concerns. Indeed, the
Competition Policy Guidelines combine features that will be attractive to
stakeholders who emphasise market discipline just as much as to those who
consider the state capable of more direct intervention in markets. Inevitably,
however, it will also have features that may displease some more than others.
1.2.1
The public interest in competition policy is defined through its
relationship to Government's broader economic policy (Chapter Two), i.e.
relating competition policy to other Government initiatives, and deriving widely
acceptable policy objectives.
1.2.2
Within the broad realm of competition policy, competition law has
attracted the greatest attention. This relates to the legislative approach
towards public and private concentration of economic power and to the conduct
emanating from these concentrations. This body of law will be referred to as
"Monopolies Law". It forms one component - albeit a crucial one - of
overall competition policy. (Existing competition law and its institutions are
discussed in Chapter Three.)
1.2.3
Competition policy is but one of the policy fields designed to secure
national policy objectives. Others focus on increased efficiency and
entrepreneurial activity. Complementarity and consistency between these fields
of economic policy is important. Where complementarity is not possible, explicit
trade-offs have to be made between the objectives of various policy fields.
Thus, we have to consider the interaction between competition policy and
policies related to international trade and industrial strategy (Chapter Four),
public corporations (Chapter Five), Professions (Chapter Six) and empowerment
(Chapter Seven).
1.2.4
In this context, the challenges associated with the new competition
policy include new instruments and institutions (Chapter Eight) and improved
enforcement (Chapter Nine). The conclusion (Chapter Ten) offers a way forward to
the legislative process.
1.3.1
At the outset we have to address some misconceptions about public
interest that may have already arisen. The Guidelines are not aimed at the
direct or blanket control of the absolute size of enterprises, the prohibition
of mergers and acquisitions in concentrated industries, the enforced unbundling
or divestiture of vertically-integrated corporate ownership or the existence per
se of monopolies, oligopolies and cartels, even though all these aspects are
highly relevant for competition policy. In each case, the catalyst to state
intervention will have to be a clear violation of the public interest.
1.3.2
The key to an understanding of the public interest in economic policy
generally and competition policy more specifically is the combination of
competitiveness and development. In the specific constitutional context of South
Africa, a legal framework which promotes openness and transparency is required.
Competitiveness, in the first place, means that we must optimise production and
distribution efficiencies - including appropriate production processes and
technological innovation - through effective economic and commercial
interactions, including supply and demand, unhindered by anti-competitive
conduct. Several features of competitiveness deserve attention.
1.3.2.1
One clear reflection of an economy's competitiveness is how much foreign
investment it attracts, since international firms seek to take advantage of
local strengths and market opportunities. As has often been remarked - and as is
explicitly argued in the 1997 World Investment Report of the United Nations
Conference on Trade and Development - market dominance by a few major players is
one of the main reasons why foreign investors have avoided South Africa after
the end of sanctions.
1.3.2.2
Competitiveness also requires building a more balanced southern African
regional economy. Combined with other regional trade and investment policies
currently in a planning stage, competition policy can enhance the ability of
South Africa to incorporate our southern African neighbours' output into our
own, and vice versa.
1.3.2.3
Government recognises the need for South African companies to compete
effectively in international markets, a task for which a significant size is
sometimes essential. With the dominance of global production and exchange, it is
now also important to adjust our conceptions of the geographical scope of
markets.
1.3.2.4
Fundamentally, a distinct improvement in competitiveness can have a
profound influence on the nature of South Africa's production processes. This
again can assist Government in its socio-economic programmes.
1.3.3
In addition to improving competitiveness, competition policy also has to
be developmental. This can happen if it complements rather than contradicts
other roles of the developmental state. A few examples can be mentioned:
1.3.3.1
Competition policy has to be linked to industrial and trade policy,
thereby better synchronising international and domestic goals of macroeconomic
management.
1.3.3.2
Competitive markets have to be supplemented in order to address
socio-economic backlogs by ensuring access to economic activity by those
previously excluded. This has a redistributive effect that increases the size of
the economy.
1.3.3.3
It also has to be supplemented with special job-creation efforts, in
order to reduce the impact of job losses due to competitive forces.
1.3.3.4
Steps are required to support emerging black entrepreneurs, to ensure
that the restructuring of uncompetitive industries does not conflict with the
goals of black economic empowerment.
1.3.3.5
Finally, South African consumers have to be informed about the full
spectrum of costs and benefits of goods and services under conditions of fair
and open competition (i.e. transparency of options and the absence of artificial
complementarities) a requirement which flows form the Constitution.
1.3.4
Thus, the Guidelines must embrace both competitiveness and development as
central aims. Given South Africa's legacy of uncompetitiveness and
socio-economic injustices in local, national and regional markets, this is a
momentous challenge.
1.4.1
To address these broad aims, a balanced approach is required. In this
context, the alleged dichotomy between reform of the corporate structure and the
combating of anti-competitive firm behaviour is false. After all, highly
concentrated industries are sometimes the only ones able to achieve minimum
economies of scale, which does not necessarily mean an abuse of their market
dominance. Likewise, anti-competitive behaviour can prevail in otherwise highly
competitive industries, leading to the victimisation of certain classes of
customers. Only a combination of government intervention, civil remedies and
public-watchdog advocacy will achieve an optimal balance.
1.4.2
Competition policy will have to be located within a wider sphere of
economic policy instruments aimed at effective, but facilitatory regulation and
supervision of markets. This sphere includes trade and industrial policy, a new
interface with public enterprises and a more active approach to economic
empowerment. Equally important are the many other supportive policies evolving
in different departments and at provincial level, including foreign-exchange
liberalisation, the attraction of foreign direct investment, the restructuring
of state assets, tax reform, new labour-market policies, the regulation of
financial markets, consumer-protection legislation, incentives for research and
development, promotion of small business and affirmative action and a revision
of company law and corporate governance. As with all features of the South
African transition to democracy, these new policies are at the same time
constructed with an eye to the objectives of the Reconstruction and Development
Programme and the GEAR macroeconomic strategy.
1.4.3
Balance will not be achieved by downplaying one set of policy
interventions in favour of another, but rather by ensuring that each set of
policy interventions is reconcilable with national policy objectives and
instruments, and that the different policy sets re-enforce each other.
1.4.4
The approach outlined here compels Government and its social partners to
search for ways of achieving both competitiveness and socio-economic objectives.
Given the urgency associated with new global conditions and South Africa's stark
socio-economic inequality, our competition policy thus faces unique challenges.
South
Africa's enormous challenges in achieving internal and international
competitiveness, combined with our huge development backlogs, remain the focus
of nearly all government policies. Thus policy frameworks such as the
Reconstruction and Development Programme and GEAR all helped establish a
foundation upon which competition policy builds. Complementary government
policies, laws, regulations and other interventions further contributes to this
evolution. A few specific pillars that undergird competition policy are briefly
outlined in this section, which also contains a summery of the underlying
principles if the new competition policy.
2.2.1
The key social and economic objectives of the South African Government of
National Unity, and the instruments to be deployed in their realisation, are
outlined in the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP). Significant
components of the RDP -- particularly as they relate to macro-economic policy --
are refined in the macro-economic strategy , Growth, Employment and
Redistribution (GEAR), and in our evolving trade, industrial and labour market
policies. The more general objectives of competition policy -- as it is the case
with all other policy programmes -- must be sought within these overarching
policy frameworks.
2.2.2
The Government's official mandate surrounding competition policy derives
from the RDP:
"4.4.6.2
The RDP will introduce strict anti-trust legislation to create a more
competitive and dynamic business environment. The central objectives of such
legislation are to systematically discourage the system of pyramids where they
lead to over-concentration of economic power and interlocking directorships, to
abolish numerous anti-competitive practices such as market domination and abuse,
and to prevent the exploitation of consumers. Existing state institutions and
regulations concerned with competition policy must be reviewed in accordance
with the new anti-trust policy. The democratic government should establish a
commission to review the structure of control and competition in the economy and
develop efficient and democratic solutions. It must review existing policy and
institutions with the aim of creating more widely spread control and more
effective competition. To that end, it must consider changes in regulation or
management in addition to anti-trust measures."
2.2.3
These directives were taken further, and given approval by Cabinet and
the Parliament in the White Paper on Reconstruction and Development, in late
1994:
"3.6.7
In the highly-concentrated domestic market, Government will pursue a competition
policy designed to reform those market structures that underpin high prices and
complacency, and that constitute major entry barriers to small- and medium-scale
enterprise.
3.8.1
The South African economy must be opened to greater ownership participation by a
greater number of our people. Government will introduce strict anti-trust
legislation to create a more competitive and dynamic business environment. The
central objectives of such legislation are to systematically discourage the
system of pyramids where they lead to over-concentration of economic power and
interlocking directorships, to abolish numerous anti-competitive practices such
as market domination and abuse, and to prevent the exploitation of consumers.
Existing Government institutions and regulations concerned with competition
policy will be reviewed in accordance with the new anti-trust policy. Government
will establish a commission to review the structure of control and competition
in the economy and develop efficient and democratic solutions. To that end, it
will consider changes in regulation or management in addition to anti-trust
measures.
3.8.2 A credible competition policy is crucial to the proper functioning
of the economy. Objectives of this policy are to remove or reduce the distorting
effects of excessive economic concentration and corporate conglomeration,
collusive practices, and the abuse of economic power by firms in a dominant
position. In addition, the policy will ensure that participation of efficient
small- and medium-sized enterprises in the economy is not jeopardised by
anti-competitive structures and conduct.
3.8.3
Government will also seek to increase the competitive nature of domestic markets
and to influence the behaviour of the lead participants in highly-concentrated
markets in a socially-desirable manner. Government will identify and eliminate
practices that restrict entry of new businesses into certain industries, seek to
eliminate illegal practices such as the maintenance of resale prices, collusion
between firms in market distribution, and horizontal collusion in respect of
supply and tendering. The Competition Board will be relocated to the Department
of Trade and Industry."
2.2.4
This framework also included a role for competition policy in supporting
the transformation of gender relations, in particular through promotion of small
and medium businesses owned by women (section 3.10.3).
2.2.5
Thus, viewed in broader context, Government envisaged the prohibition of
anti-competitive practices and the adaptation of corporate structure to meet
broader socio-economic objectives. These objectives were amplified in GEAR,
which became the Government's macroeconomic strategy in mid 1996:
"1.1
As South Africa moves toward the next century, we seek
a competitive, fast-growing economy which creates sufficient jobs for all
workseekers; a redistribution of income and opportunities in favour of the poor;
a society in which sound health, education and other services are available to
all; and an environment in which
homes are secure and places of work are productive."
2.2.6
The Guidelines for Competition Policy has drawn these policy positions
into a working agenda towards new legislation. The Cabinet have decided to adopt
this process rather than establish a Commission since it will enable
consultation and should streamline the process.
2.2.7
The overriding objective of all these policies is to achieve sustainable
growth and development, thereby ensuring a better life for all the people. This
requires a significant increase and an improved distribution of economic
activity in the country, reflected in output growth, higher employment, enhanced
efficiency and the entry of new entrepreneurs into business activity.
Competition policy can and should have significant influence on the achievement
of these objectives - particularly levels of efficiency and entrepreneurial
activity - , but only if it is pursued in a manner consistent with all the other
policies.
2.3.1
The Department of Trade and Industry's commitment to competitiveness is
channelled through diverse actions and initiatives. These include support for
productive enterprises as they enter the world market, the enhancement of
efficiency and flexibility through specific programmes and development
initiatives, and the encouragement of collective bargaining and support measures
for labour, so that neither firms nor workers bear an unreasonable burden of the
costs of becoming globally-competitive. Likewise, commercial and trading
practices are reviewed by the Department in order to remove complex legal and
institutional barriers to economic activity, and to protect the rights of
consumers, workers, owners and other stakeholders without unduly discriminating
against any.
2.3.2
In promoting these initiatives, the Department seeks means of
intervention that are characterised by a facilitatory approach, primarily
through empowering competitors and consumers to advance their own interests.
Competition policy is a good example of this approach. Injured competitors will
have the right to bring action against a company engaging in unfair competition,
complimented by a cause of action for citizens, or consumers, injured by unfair
competition. Remedies should also provide incentives for individual action.
2.3.3
At a more detailed level, the Department has embarked upon several
initiatives to enhance "fair trade," i.e. to strengthen fairness,
transparency and the rule of law. The Department's power at National level to
regulate and supervise areas of the economy that are subject to market failure
or have important public sensitivities -- such as business practices, consumer
protection, patents and trademarks, usury, intellectual property, gambling and
lotteries -- is frequently enhanced by growing commitments and capabilities from
our provincial colleagues.
2.3.4
There are several policy areas (in addition to those discussed in
successive chapters) where the Department has already embarked upon initiatives
aimed at transformation. These include a review of existing securities
regulations and institutions with principal oversight of corporate structure; a
review of current practices and regulations in the area of corporate governance;
and a review of the Harmful Business Practices Act which will bear principal
responsibility for protecting consumer interests.
We
can identify a number of policy pillars upon which a uniquely South African
competition policy will rest, and which will direct forthcoming legislation.
2.4.1
Competition policy defines the public interest with respect to both
competitiveness and development;
2.4.2
Competitiveness is understood in both domestic and international terms,
it must help to make South Africa more competitive by lowering costs along the
entire value chain, by assuring neighbouring countries of our intention to limit
market dominance within the region, and by assuring foreign investors with an
environment to do business unimpeded by closed or distorted markets;
2.4.3
Development means our willingness to address socio-economic backlogs and
capacity to correct, over time, existing racial and gender biases in ownership
and control throughout the private sector;
2.4.4
Competition policy will be integrated with the overall national policy
framework and with the particular objectives of industrial, trade and
macro-economic policies;
2.4.5
Monopolies law will prohibit anti-competitive conduct (both explicit and
tacit), abuses of dominant market position, as well as mergers and acquisitions
which do not serve the public interest, it will also include the possibility of
civil remedies for disadvantaged competitors and consumers. Ownership
concentrations leading to excessive control over economic activity is also to be
addressed;
2.4.6
The law will be administered by an autonomous and professionally run
authority, with effective public participation;
2.4.7
The reform of South Africa's corporate structure will proceed through
legitimate processes within an environment of policy certainty;
2.4.8
Reforms of the corporate structure through voluntary means such as
divestiture, will be encouraged, with particular focus on consumer interests and
the empowerment of black entrepreneurs;
2.4.9
Reforms through involuntary divestiture may occur in instances where
anti-competitive conduct as clearly defined occurs -- for example, illegal
mergers, the abuse of dominant market positions, and excessive restrictive
practices;
2.4.10
Additional policy adjustments include the review of securities
regulations and institutions associated with corporate structure, corporate
governance practices and regulations, the Harmful Business Practices Act and
consumer protection regulations, and the competitive interface between public
corporations and the private sector.
2.4.11
The competition policy proposed here accepts the logic of free and active
competition in markets, the importance of property rights, the need for greater
economic efficiency, the objective of ensuring optimal allocation of resources,
the principle of transparency, the need for greater international
competitiveness, and the facilitation of entry into markets - all within a
developmental context that consciously attempts to correct structural imbalances
and past economic injustices.
2.4.12
Competition policy seeks to incorporate the interests of consumers,
workers, emerging entrepreneurs, and other corporate competitors, and to protect
the ability of our large corporations to penetrate international markets, just
as we must allow foreign investors to do business in South Africa in the
interests of enhancing overall efficiency and growth.
2.4.13
Competition policy has to assume that the resolution of competition law
cases be conducted in a procedurally-fair, coherent, expeditious and decisive
manner, and that new institutional arrangements for pursuing the policy will
entail an appropriate division of labour within the relevant agency and
independence.
2.4.14
Finally competition policy seeks to be sufficiently flexible to
incorporate existing policies and future modes of market regulation that extend
in a coherent manner across the full spectrum of industrial and trade policy,
foreign exchange policy, the attraction of foreign direct investment, the
restructuring of state assets, tax reform, labour market policy, financial
market regulation, consumer protection, research and development incentives,
small business and affirmative action programmes, corporate governance
instruments, and revised company law. Some of these -- international trade
policy, industrial strategy and public corporations, -- are considered in
subsequent chapters, following a brief review of deficiencies in the existing
legislation.
The
South African Government faces profound difficulties in addressing the
objectives outlined above, because the legal instruments and institutions
associated with competition law (see Appendix One) are ineffective. From the
time of the Regulation of Monopolistic Conditions Act, 24 of 1955, the South
African Government failed to tackle monopolistic structural conditions and
anti-competitive conduct effectively. This was true in both early and recent
times. Even more recent attempts to strengthen the Competition Board (in 1986
and 1990) failed to make a discernable difference to either the structure or
conduct of large South African firms. This is in part because of flaws in both
the content and the logistical implementation associated with the Act.
3.2.1
During the first two decades of the Board of Trade and Industries (the
Competition Board's precursor), three quarters of cases brought to the Board
were found to entail monopolistic conditions not justifiable in the public
interest (groceries, sanitary-ware and hardware, motion pictures, cigarettes and
processed tobacco, books, newspaper and periodicals, and employers' association
in the building industry, buy-aid associations and resale price maintenance).
Some investigations ruled that monopolistic conditions were indeed justified
(liquor, pneumatic tyres and pharmaceutical products). The eight that were
considered unjustifiable were restrictive trade agreements such as price
agreements, fixing of trade discounts, resale price maintenance, exclusive
dealing and boycotts of suppliers by dealers. Trade associations were singled
out as key agents for establishing and administering anti-competitive conduct.
Yet after nearly two decades of work, recommendations to the Minister of
Economic Affairs were made on just eight occasions, and there was only one case
(resale price maintenance) where the Minister ordered a prohibition of the
activity (the rest were negotiated privately). An attitude of laxity developed,
with successive Ministers of Industry often ignoring the Board's competition law
mandate (the same Board set tariff policy). Amendments to the Act were
repeatedly offered so as to enhance the prevention of anti-competitive
practices, but were unsuccessful. Complaints that the Board had no power to
instigate its own investigations were also ignored.
3.2.2
During the late 1970s, a Commission of Inquiry investigated the 1955 Act
and found that oligopoly had intensified dramatically in spite of the Act. In
addition to the merger and acquisition wave, reasons for high concentration
levels included protectionist barriers, the small size of the local market, the
distance between geographical centres, and historical factors associated with
the industrialisation process. The Tariffs Board was found to be ineffective, as
it had the power only to intervene after a merger or acquisition was complete.
As a result, in 1979 the Maintenance and Promotion of Competition Act replaced
the earlier statute.
3.2.3
The 1979 Act was amended in 1986 to give the Competition Board further
powers, including the ability to act not only against new concentrations of
economic power but existing monopolies and oligopolies, the scope to examine
financial institutions and agricultural cooperatives and control boards
(previously exempted), and the mandate to consider deregulation and
privatisation of state-owned enterprises. At the same time, however, the Board
was instructed to switch focus from an investigation into interlocking boards of
directors and cross-holdings, and instead research links between the financial
sector and the conglomerates, a study that had not previously been attempted.
3.2.4
Yet it is now widely acknowledged that there were so many technical flaws
with the 1979 Act and its 1986 amendments that competition law has again been
judged relatively ineffectual, on both substantive and logistical grounds.
3.3.1
There are at least four substantive reasons why a new Monopolies Law must
be established. The current Act does not address the extent of concentration of
ownership nor market share; there are no provisions for vertical or conglomerate
relations; there is little leverage to prevent (or even know in advance) mergers
and acquisitions which intensify concentration; and the Act does not contain
strong prohibitions of anti-competitive activity. Each issue is considered in
turn.
3.3.2
Horizontal concentration: The 1979 Act was weakest when it came to
addressing the high levels of horizontal market concentration. The Act contained
no provisions against monopolisation per se, except insofar as it affected the
"public's interest," as defined by both the Competition Board and the
Minister. Divestiture of parts of conglomerates (whether involuntary or
voluntary unbundling exercises) was seen only as a penalty, and even then
divestiture was extremely difficult to enforce.
3.3.3
Vertical ownership and control: Vertical or conglomerate acquisitions are
not addressed in the Act (nor in the definition of acquisitions). In order to
address unjustifiable vertical integration, the Board must resort to the
definition of "restrictive practice."
3.3.4
Mergers and acquisitions: Addressing mergers and acquisitions is also
difficult under the Act. No provision is made for the compulsory prenotification
of mergers and acquisitions of substantial proportions. Although it is
technically possible to outlaw an acquisition that has been consummated, and
clearance is sought for most large acquisitions on a voluntary basis, the
unscrambling of a large acquisition would be fraught with practical
difficulties.
3.3.5
Anti-competitive conduct: Contrary to the practice in most countries, the
1979 Act itself does not prohibit anti-competitive conduct or structures.
Prohibitions are promulgated in the Government Gazette by the Minister acting on
a recommendation by the Board. The implementation of rules and decisions
governing competition through executive decrees (secondary legislation) -- as
well as the processes that necessarily must precede them -- invites challenges
on purely technical grounds (in administrative law) which result in protracted
proceedings and, in effect, frequently render the substantive merits of a case
of secondary importance. The Act's failure to prohibit anti-competitive acts
means that although firms may have engaged in forms of anti-competitive conduct
and causing substantial harm to competitors and consumers over an extended
period of time, they can escape culpability simply by desisting from the
particular conduct at any time before a formal investigation is launched by the
Board.
3.4.1
At the level of enforcement logistics, there are additional technical
flaws in the Act viz a duplication of effort between the Competition Board and
the Minister of Trade and Industry; the risk of political interference in the
Board's activities; a dispersal of jurisdiction to other regulatory authorities;
insufficient guidelines relating to state-owned enterprises; and ineffective
remedies and penalties. Each is considered separately.
3.4.2
Duplication of proceedings: The inherited competition policy entails the
duplication of proceedings, with the danger of generating potential bias. The
current procedures allow persons accused of anti-competitive activity to put
their case to the Competition Board and then to repeat the process before the
Minister once he or she has received the Board's report and recommendation. Such
dual presentation of the case, together with the other prescribed formalities,
makes decision-making in competition cases a protracted process, even in
relatively straightforward cases. This is disadvantageous to businesses which
usually prefer the expeditious settlement of disputes and issues. As a result,
the procedures of competition law cases lack neutrality. For example, in a given
case, should the Minister decide not to accept the Board's recommendation that a
particular restrictive practice should be outlawed, the complainant has no right
of recourse against the Minister in terms of the Act. This differs from the
position of the respondent who has the statutory right to challenge any
Ministerial prohibition.
3.4.3
Potential interference in cases: With respect to potential interference
by politicians in competition law, problems arise from the potential power
exercised by the Minister of Trade and Industry. She or he may direct the Board
not to conduct a formal investigation which it may wish to initiate or to
terminate investigations that have been commenced. Any recommendation by the
Board to the effect that a particular restrictive practice or anti-competitive
acquisition should be prohibited can be vetoed by the Minister. The current
arrangements politicise decision-making, enable interest groups to lobby the
Minister, and can potentially even lead to attempts by other Ministers to
forestall investigations by the Board.
3.4.4
Jurisdictional overlap: There are also inherited problems related to
dispersed and concurrent jurisdiction. Other Acts confer jurisdiction on bodies
other than the Competition Board to deal with competition matters. For example,
the South African Telecommunications Regulatory Authority is required to ensure
fair competition within the telecommunications industry (in the
Telecommunications Act 1996). The Airports Company Act 1993 established a
Regulating Committee and empowered it to outlaw restrictive practices (as
defined in the Maintenance and Promotion of Competition Act 1979) by the
Airports Company Ltd. Neither the Telecommunications Act 1996 nor the Airports
Company Act 1993 curtails the competence of the Competition Board to deal with
restrictive practices and acquisitions that may occur in the field of
telecommunications or airports. In fact the Telecommunications Act 1996 states
specifically that section 52 of that Act shall not derogate from the provisions
of the Maintenance and Promotion of Competition Act 1979. Yet no provision is
made in any of the relevant Acts for the resolution of jurisdictional overlap.
This generates the potential for forum shopping and, conceivably, could result
in parallel investigations by the respective authorities and even diametrically
opposed decisions by them regarding a particular matter. (One example of this is
the dispute between Telkom and Internet service providers which has caused some
confusion regarding which of the respective authorities should deal with the
matter.)
3.4.5
Interface between state-owned enterprise and private sector: There is
confusion regarding the competitive interface between state-owned enterprises
and private sector firms. The Act binds the state and applies to all public
enterprises (unless there are statutory provisions to the contrary). The Board
can therefore investigate and the Minister can prohibit restrictive practices
and acquisitions in which state-owned enterprises are involved. The
participation by such enterprises in a wide range of business activities that
extend well beyond their core activities is sometimes not welcomed by private
sector firms. In particular, firms regard it as unfair competition where such
enterprises cross-subsidise those areas of activity where they compete head-on
with the private sector, using funds generated from a business activity in which
they are a monopoly situation. Another area of concern relates to the
interlocking of state-owned enterprise directorates with those of private sector
companies that supply or acquire any commodity to or from such state
enterprises. Yet there are no clear guidelines on which the Board can rely when
dealing with such cases of allegedly unfair competition by state-owned
enterprises.
3.4.6
Penalties: Finally, the penalties associated with not complying with
rules governing competition remain contentious. Since violation of certain
provisions of the Act (or indeed of any related prohibition promulgated by the
Minister) is a criminal offence (which must be proved beyond reasonable doubt),
the penalties that may be imposed in such cases are a fine, imprisonment or
both. Yet reliance on this mechanism to ensure compliance with the provisions of
competition law has been unsuccessful. With one minor exception (the payment of
extremely low admission of guilt fines by three prominent furniture removal
companies for collusive tendering), there have been no prosecutions, let alone
convictions, for contravention of Government Notice 801 since 1986. Reasons
include the high rate of more serious crimes (murder, rape, armed robbery) and a
lack of expertise in competition matters on the part of investigating and
prosecuting officers. A further shortcoming is that although a person may obtain
an interdict against a competitor who is contravening Notice 801 of 1986, no
such remedy is available to the Board in the event it becomes aware that someone
may be breaching that notice. Enforcing the rules governing competition and
ensuring that wrongdoers do not flout the rules with impunity are crucial facets
of any credible competition law.
3.4.7
The problems associated with the inherited competition policy and
legislation will be addressed through a new Monopolies Law. Before considering
its content, the next three chapters review the relationship of competition
policy to other economic policies.
The
interaction between competition policy, trade policy and industrial strategy is
extremely complex, serving as the source of heated debate in the economic
profession and amongst those engaged in policy-making and economic activity.
After reviewing these debates, a reconciliation of the competing perspectives is
offered.
4.2.1
Several opposing positions have emerged:
4.2.1.1
One position is that the objectives of competition policy are always
compromised by industrial strategy interventions that attempt to privilege
targeted sectors, classes of enterprise or regions. The logic of this argument
would be to downplay industrial strategy in order to minimise distortions in the
market. Competition policy, in this view, is thus concerned to offset government
intervention -- whether subsidies, policy support, licensing or state ownership
-- in commercial decisions and outcomes. Likewise, in this view there would be
strong support for a free trade position;
4.2.1.2
Another position is that vigorous application of competition policy will
damage the capacity of national firms -- particularly those located in small,
open economies -- to compete against international rivals. The logic of this
argument is to downplay, in the name of international competitiveness,
competition policy interventions in the structure of those markets dominated by
private investors and in the decisions emanating from the (private sector)
participants in those markets;
4.2.1.3
Along similar lines it is argued that regardless of the size of domestic
firms relative to their home markets, the international economy most closely
approximates a perfectly competitive market. The logic of this argument holds
that trade liberalisation and export promotion are the most effective policy
interventions to ensure that domestic firms are subject to competitive pressures
effectively downplaying both competition policy and industrial strategy (except,
where permissible, support for exporters), in favour of a liberal trade policy.
4.2.2
The implicit standpoint underlying these arguments is the view that the
market should be left to its own devices, although there is a different emphasis
on each of these arguments. In contrast, the basis of the approach to be adopted
in South Africa to enhance the overall level of economic activity along with
meeting other objectives such as increased employment, efficiency and
entrepreneurship.
4.3.1
While government recognises the potential tension inherent in the
interaction between industrial strategy and competition policy, it remains
committed to pursuing an active industrial strategy. Thus,
4.3.1.1
wherever possible, direct support will be provided to clusters and other
collectivities of firms rather than at individual firms, thus substantially
reducing the potential for conflict with the objectives of competition policy;
4.3.1.2
government will actively strive for a ‘level playing field’ but will
recognise that, in order to overcome distortions generated by past policy
interventions, it will be obliged to support sectors and clusters effectively
discriminated against by past policies;
4.3.1.3
it will also actively strive to correct key market failures, in
particular those that have compromised our human resource and technological
capacities and that have hindered access to capital markets by certain classes
of enterprises and sectors. This inevitably entails extra-market interventions.
4.3.2
With respect to potential conflict between competition policy and
international competitiveness -- in particular the need to increase
non-traditional exports -- our approach is to acknowledge the rigours of
international competition and hence to reject a ‘big is bad’ approach.
However, competition policy will play a vital role in accelerating exports, for
at least two reasons:
4.3.2.1
Dominance in the domestic market may provide the capacity to export, but
it may inhibit the will to do so. It is, first and foremost, an intensely
competitive domestic market that will encourage local firms to seek profitable
opportunities in other markets and that will prepare them for robust
international competition;
4.3.2.2
Small firms are, globally, active players in international markets. Our
industrial strategy will specifically strive to facilitate the entry of small
firms and black owned firms into international markets. We do not envisage this
selective support falling foul of a pragmatic competition policy.
4.3.3
We readily recognise important complementarities between trade
liberalisation and the overall objectives of competition policy. Certainly
immersion in international markets -- either by way of withstanding
international competition on the domestic market or by way of competing on
export markets -- is a powerful incentive to greater efficiency. However, for
several reasons, trade liberalisation is not a substitute for an effective
competition policy.
4.3.3.1
There may be cogent reasons for extending a measure of protection to
domestic producers. Such reasons amplify the importance of competition policy
mechanisms as a means of promoting rivalry between privileged domestic
producers.
4.3.3.2
In many product markets and sectors, domestic producers, even in the
absence of trade barriers, enjoy local advantages that, effectively, constitute
a measure of ‘natural’ protection. Competition policy does not strive to
reduce these advantages -- it rather strives to ensure that they are exploited
to the full through the promotion of rivalry between domestic producers.
4.3.3.3
In key markets -- for example, the markets for important building
materials, many sub sectors in services, and a significant segment of the food
chain -- the main goods and services are not internationally traded and rely
upon competition policy to secure efficiencies and ease of entry associated with
competitive markets.
4.3.3.4
The entry of direct foreign investors into the South African market may
intensify competition in domestic markets and for this reason, among others, is
to be encouraged. However, these positive consequences of direct foreign
investment are blunted if international investors simply merge with large
domestic firms. The competition authorities will have to facilitate links
between foreign investors and local partners that increase the competitive
environment.
4.3.4
The existence of potential tensions and synergies between competition
policy, industrial strategy and trade policy is recognised. These will be
managed by:
4.3.4.1
the provision of a coherent framework of overall objectives (RDP and
GEAR);
4.3.4.2
the systematic development of a coherent industrial strategy, of which
trade policy and competition policy constitute the key pillars; and
4.3.4.3
the establishment of an autonomous competition authority, conducting its
activities within the framework provided by the national policy objectives and
the industrial strategy.
The
interaction between the public and private sectors has become increasingly
complex. This is particularly true in the case of corporatised public
enterprises and in cost recovery activities of public institutions. It is clear
that we do not have a situation where the public and private sectors conduct
their activities in separate economic spheres. As a result the question of level
playing fields inevitably arises.
5.1.1
A number of different problems arise in considering the relationship
between competitive private sector firms and those public enterprises which were
legislated as monopoly suppliers.
5.1.2
Where a legislative monopoly is created, its power must not be abused
through pricing policy, quality, or failure to extend basic services. In short
various types of market behaviour that would be subject to sanction in the
private sector will have to be monitored in the public corporations. In addition
there should be clearly stated public policy objectives that the enterprise must
meet. Both these dimensions have to be dealt with in the regulatory dispensation
of the public enterprises.
5.1.3
Where such a legislative monopoly is privatised in whole or in part, its
monopolistic position must be addressed. The use of regulatory bodies to deal
with this is essential. However, where the State has capitalised the enterprise
it can confer considerable benefits to the new enterprise that give it a
competitive edge if it then competes with pre-existing private sector
enterprises. There will have to be oversight of such processes if a competitive
situation is desired. This is particularly the case if the public interest basis
for originally holding the enterprise in public hands has changed.
5.1.4
Other areas of difficulty arise where public institutions are able to act
as both regulators of an activity and providers of that activity. This should be
avoided or carefully prescribed.
5.1.5
Where a public enterprise is able to provide a product or a service into
the market in competition with private suppliers then it has to be recognised
that depending on its own method of financing, its basis for costing could be
different. This must be explicitly acknowledged and dealt with otherwise the
competitive position will be affected.
5.1.6
It is therefore necessary to avoid using the government’s licensing
authority to create monopolies or to allow detrimental market practices.
However, the State will have to retain this authority in pursuit of key public
objectives -- for example health and safety and the provision of key public
goods. The issuing of government licenses and the conduct of the licensees will
be monitored by public authorities guided by transparent regulation.
5.1.7
State owned enterprises should be subject to the scrutiny and
jurisdiction of the competition authorities, while explicitly recognising that
key state ownership positions are designed to correct the failure of the market
in the provisioning of public goods and credit to low income communities and
citizens. To achieve this balance it is essential that there is absolute clarity
of mandate for all public enterprises and institutions.
5.1.8
At present there is no overall approach to these issues as they are dealt
with to greater or lesser extent in the individual pieces of legislation for
each public enterprises. It is accordingly proposed that a thorough review of
the situation is undertaken and the necessary legislative changes prepared.
6.1.1
The position of the professions is a matter that must be addressed in a
way that balances standards against market restrictive practices.
6.1.2
Whereas certain anti-competitive practices involving the professions
could be justified on public interest grounds, a number of practices exist
which, but for the fact that they are authorised in legislation would in the
normal course of events elicit the attention of the competition authorities.
6.1.3
Those practices which are generally accepted as being in the public
interest relate to (a) the competencies required to perform those tasks which
are adjudged to be the domain of the professionals in question, and (b) purely
ethical matters. A number of Government Departments are responsible for the
administration of Acts of Parliament, or subservient legislation, governing the
professions. In the process a large number of professional councils have been
established to regulate the various professional groups. In particular, the
Departments of Health (in respect of the health care professions), Justice (in
respect of the legal profession) and Public Works (the various building industry
professions) administer the affairs of the bulk of the professional groups in
the country.
6.1.4
It is suggested that the responsible Government Departments should be
made aware of this competition policy dimension and should actively cooperate in
order to ensure that the policy approach to the professions is consistently
applied and that the principles of competition within professional groups be
promoted without compromising those aspects which clearly are of overriding
concern for the public interest.
6.1.5
The position of the professions is a matter that will once again have to
be addressed in a way that juxtaposes public interest considerations against
market restrictive practices.
The
basis for a policy of empowerment resides in the discriminatory practices of the
past. This took the form of dispossession, legal prohibition on trading, access
to skill and unequal educational provision. Section 9(2) of the Constitution
provides that:
Equality
includes the full and equal enjoyment of all rights and freedoms. To promote the
achievement of equality, legislative and other measures designed to protect or
advance persons or categories of persons disadvantaged by unfair discrimination,
may be taken.
7.1.1
The Constitutional mandate referred to above requires the establishment
of a proactive programme to redress the legacy of discrimination. Accordingly,
steps have already been taken in the area of government procurement to assist
formerly disadvantaged contractors. Further steps will be taken to allow greater
ownership participation by black persons in the economy -- in particular in the
manufacturing sector. Such measures do act in favour of certain economic actors
and thereby do impact on the competitive situation. It is therefore essential
that these measures are fully transparent in their formulation and
implementation.
7.1.2
It is also the case that competition policy can assist the objectives of
empowerment policy. Excessive concentrations of power can be broken up and in
the process empowerment can be strengthened; in terms of the Constitution these
measures can only be taken when it can be shown that they are designed to meet
the constitutional objectives contained in Section 9(2).
8.1.1
The main targets of the regulatory approach and institutions associated
with competition policy are efficiency and the distributional consequences of
significant concentrations of economic power. There are several reasons for
this. Failure to prevent these concentrations or to regulate their conduct is
potentially manifest in pricing behaviour prejudicial to consumers. The impact
upon ‘dynamic efficiency’ -- manifest in low levels of innovation and in
barriers to new entry especially on the part of SMMEs -- is also potentially
negative. Regulators have also been concerned to curb an excessive concentration
of social power that potentially arises from control of an essential product.
8.2.1
Attempts to limit concentrations of economic power and/or to regulate
conduct arising from such concentrations have given rise to the following areas
of regulation of commercial structure and conduct collectively subsumed under
the heading ‘competition policy’:
8.2.1.1
market structure
8.2.1.2
restrictive trading practices
8.2.1.3
abuses of economic power and dominance
8.2.1.4
consumer protection
8.2.1.5
ownership concentration
8.2.1.6
corporate governance
8.2.2
Some of these problems have been addressed through the mechanisms of
monopolies law. A recent survey of monopolies law across the world found that
the greatest commonality among the various jurisdictions was in the area of
conduct regulations, namely regulation directed at restrictive practices and
abuse of dominant position and economic power. Restraints on output, exclusive
practices designed to inhibit or preclude the ability of actual or potential
suppliers to compete in the market for a product, predatory pricing, restraints
on entry, tying agreements, retail price maintenance, price fixing and conscious
parallelism can all be dealt with by an administrative forum which is capable of
developing a certain, coherent and predictable set of principles governing
competition.
8.2.3
Government proposes that South African monopolies law be directed at
restrictive practices and abuse of dominance. However, in addition to specifying
the direction that monopolies law should take, it is essential that we design
and establish effective agencies for monitoring, investigating, adjudicating and
correcting anti-competitive conduct. At present there is no clear and coherent
body of monopolies law. The absence of such a body of law and lack of
institutional support permits widespread violation of existing regulation; the
law inadequate as it is, is honoured more in the breach than in the compliance.
It leaves victims of anti-competitive practices without effective protection or
redress. And it creates uncertainty for investors.
8.2.4
Government is obviously cognisant of the link between structure and
conduct. While anti-competitive conduct does not necessarily flow from given
structural arrangements, it is generally the latter -- particular structures --
that enables inappropriate conduct. Hence it is our view that, while the
monopolies law authorities will direct themselves principally at
anti-competitive conduct, they (or a parallel authority charged with oversight
of structural arrangements) will retain the power to institute or to trigger
structural remedies, both preemptively (to prevent anti-competitive mergers and
acquisitions) and with respect to compelling disinvestment or exit from
particular markets.
8.2.5
Structural policies dealing with mergers, take-overs, asset transfers and
insider trading are all interrelated with existing bodies of law, namely the
Companies Act and applicable stock exchange regulations, reflecting the need for
change from the present inadequate framework. The Company Law Standing Committee
has had a proposal put to it that a separate Securities Act be drafted (which
would include aspects of the existing Companies Act) to deal solely with matters
of corporate structure. At present there is a Securities Regulation Code on
Take-overs and Mergers which emanated from the City Code issued by the London
Panel on Take-overs and Mergers, although unlike its UK equivalent it has the
force of law. It deals essentially with voluntary and mandatory offers to all
holders of the relevant securities.
8.2.6
The excessive concentration of ownership and, therefore, control of
economic activity will be addressed in the context of the above mechanisms.
8.3.1
The government’s view is that monopolies law should be effected by a
competent, professional agency with powers to investigate and to respond rapidly
and robustly to anti-competitive conduct. The decisions of the tribunal
envisaged will be subject to judicial review, but it is Government's intention
to take enforcement of competition law out of the hands of the criminal courts
and to avoid the prospect of lengthy, complex and costly litigation. The
possibility of politically-inspired intervention will also be removed by
eliminating the exercise of ministerial discretion in the enforcement of
competition law and by a more precise definition of both the mandate of the
policy structure and its relationship to the Minister and government policy. As
already elaborated, our political choices will be exercised in the mandate
extended to our industrial strategists and, from there, to our competition
authorities.
8.3.2
South Africa does not yet have an overall legal framework which can
safeguard affected shareholders but also deal more comprehensively with
conglomeration and creations of excessive economic power via mergers,
acquisitions and take-overs. At present these matters are partly dealt with by
means of the Companies Act, the Securities Code and the Competition Board in
terms of competition legislation. But this clearly duplicates work, creates
uncertainty and fails to effectively target regulation. A Securities Act which
would fuse all the structural issues of conglomeration and implement regulatory
policies to supervise mergers and deter uncompetitive structures can be
similarly drafted. As noted, the concerns of the monopolies law authorities,
through primarily charged with governing conduct, necessitate the possibility of
structural remedies. Accordingly, the monopolies law authorities must either be
given the capacity to take structural remedies or an institutional and
regulatory bridge must be built between the competition law authorities and
those responsible for oversight of structural arrangement.
8.3.3
In addition to the review of monopolies law and securities regulations, a
coherent, comprehensive competition policy requires review of the entire body of
Company Law in order to meet the objectives of efficient and equitable corporate
governance. The King Committee did not establish a clear model of the nature of
the company, and it therefore remains for Government to establish to what degree
the company exists solely in the private domain of the shareholder and to what
degree it is the proper subject of wider public interest. As the answer to this
question becomes clearer, a more coherent policy for corporate governance can be
developed and hence the role of regulation can be more easily defined and
justified. Accordingly this will permit a clearer policy regarding the continued
and indeed increasing use of pyramid structures. And it will also inform
Government as to what extent company law should show equal concern to a wider
community of stakeholders: local communities, employees, customers and
suppliers, in addition to shareholders.
8.3.4
It is also Government's intention to address aspects of competition
policy that most affect consumers under the Harmful Business Practices Act
71/88. At present this Act deals with business practices other than restrictive
practices which fall under the Maintenance & Promotion of Competition Act
96/79. A Business Practice Committee effectively manages the Act. It would
appear that if Competition legislation deals with the areas of conduct mentioned
above, this Act could be recasts to deal with all consumer matters, to be
supervised by an appropriate tribunal to which the consumer would have direct
access; that is the Business Practice Committee would deal with relationships
with consumers and the general public and the Competition Board with competitors
and suppliers.
9.1.1
There are aspects of competition policy enforcement that are still being
established, mainly associated with the degree to which institutional
responsibility is centralised.
9.2.1
The agency dealing with competition will be strengthened considerably.
Government is still establishing whether the three functions -- policy advice on
competition, adjudication on law and enforcement, and the investigative function
-- should be placed in one body or whether the first should be separated from
the latter two. Careful consideration will be given to the question of the
funding of such agency for it is essential that the agency is adequately
resourced.
9.2.2
In the process of improving our enforcement institutions, Government will
establish a dedicated national inspectorate that deals with the many areas of
monitoring and enforcement that fall within the ambit of the Department. In this
way we can improve the efficiency of the operation and ensure a mobility of
personnel that will reduce corruption.
10.1.1
In conjunction with other policies and initiatives pursued by Government, the
expected benefits of competition policy include greater competitiveness and more
sustainable, equitable development.
10.1.2
Competitiveness requires that South Africa overcome a variety of conditions that
have reduced our international comparative advantage dramatically. Indeed over
the past four years, international surveys have ranked South Africa amongst the
three or four least competitive of the major trading nations. In preliminary
industry cluster studies conducted for the Department of Trade and Industry (by
the Monitor Company), it was found that "many of our industries exist only
because of protection and subsidies." Protective tariffs and most export
subsidies are being lifted, in part because of Department policy that South
African industries should be exposed to global competition and in part because
international trading requirements set by the World Trade Organisation
increasingly require cuts in protection and export subsidies. Yet the difficulty
that many of our main industries have in competing internationally requires a
multipronged approach, involving both competition policy and additional
incentives. To address lack of competitiveness, incentive schemes have been
developed by the Department, by the Industrial Development Corporation and by
other institutions such as the Khula Enterprise Finance Limited. The major
objectives of the incentive schemes are: to encourage exports; to enhance
competitiveness of industries in the face of increased international
competition; to encourage foreign investment; and to encourage development of
SMMEs. The contents of the different incentives vary, but include below-market
interest rates or assistance in access to finance; tax holidays; grants;
services such as trade missions; technical assistance; rebates and credits
related to tariff barriers; and accelerated depreciation for firms expanding or
establishing new plants. It is vital that a broader economic transformation
occur to ensure that South Africa's competitiveness is not reduced to the
efficacy of a package of Government schemes. Competition policy can assist
competitiveness by identifying those aspects that harm consumer welfare, add
unnecessary costs, entail anti-competitive practices, or distort the economy.
10.1.3
From the standpoint of development, there are a variety of
characteristics associated with the legacy of corporate concentration,
misapplication of financial resources and economic distortions that have
underdeveloped the majority of our citizens, but that can gradually be rectified
in part through competition policy. Having emerged from one of the world's most
brutal and unjust economic and political systems, South Africa's democratic
Government has committed itself wholeheartedly to development, and in the
process to eradicating poverty and improving the quality of life of the
majority. Today, the wealthiest 2,4 million of South Africans account for over
40% of all consumption, while the poorest 21 million account for under 10%.
Unemployment in South Africa is extremely high, and has been worsening for many
years. The vast majority of South Africans, particularly the unemployed, lack
the educational qualifications or skill levels required to compete for the
occupations that will be most in demand in coming years. And there is limited or
non-existent access to basic infrastructure, services, education, primary health
care and socio-economic opportunities for the majority of people (especially
Africans and rural residents). Women, children, the elderly and disabled South
Africans bear the main burden. It is therefore critical that all government
policies -- including competition policy -- are aligned so as to reduce the
uneven development, inequality and absolute poverty which is so prevalent in
South Africa. And it is crucial that as Government considers which competition
policy cases should be taken up, those that have the greatest development impact
are prioritised.
10.2.1
In summary, Government proposes:
10.2.1.1
a competition policy integrated with our overall national policy objectives and
the particular objectives of our industrial and macro-economic policies;
10.2.1.2
a reformed and much strengthened monopolies law directed at anti-competitive
conduct under the direction of a competent, professional and powerful
administrative authority;
10.2.1.3
a strengthening of divestiture measures;
10.2.1.4
a review of existing securities regulations and institutions with principal
oversight of corporate structure;
10.2.1.5
a review of current practices and regulations in the area of corporate
governance;
10.2.1.6
a review of the Harmful Business Practices Act which will bear principal
responsibility for protecting consumer interests; and
10.2.1.7
a review of the competitive interface between public corporations and the
private sector.
10.2.2
In this way the various forms of anti-competitive behaviour could be
addressed by the appropriate, carefully targeted law underpinned by trained and
specialist agencies.
10.2.3
It remains, then, to offer a way forward for a dialogue on these
Competition Policy Guidelines that will lay the basis for drafting a Monopolies
Bill.
10.3.1
Nedlac is a crucial site for consultation, amendment and approval of
policy. Achieving consensus remains an important goal. The Nedlac process will
greatly assist the drafting of new legislation. As with other legislation the
sovereignty of legislation will remain. To further enhance consultation a series
of consultative presentations and workshops will be held during the first
quarter of 1998. Assuming that there are no insurmountable obstacles, draft
legislation will be prepared by the end of the first quarter.
10.3.2
The fact that this competition policy represents only an initial public
statement of Government's intentions should be seen as an invitation by all
stakeholders to become involved. The policy proposed in this document was
derived from various inputs received as well as intensive consultation with the
current Competition Board. The document produced by the current Competition
Board was again scrutinised by a team of people who included representation from
the Standing Advisory Committee on Company Law, Board on Tariffs and Trade, etc,
and amended by Department of Trade and Industry officials.
10.3.3
That this competition policy will ultimately be altered is certain.
Because of the dynamics of the market, practical experience and constant
additions to our pool of decisions, knowledge and research on the subject,
competition policy and law are regularly reinterpreted, reviewed and amended.
For example, the Australian Trade Practices Act 1974 underwent substantial
changes in 1995, while in the United Kingdom a comprehensive reform of
competition law is postulated in terms of a new draft Bill published in August
1997. There are numerous other examples, including South Africa, where several
amendments to the 1955 and 1979 Acts were passed into law.
10.3.4
Government's attempts to address competitiveness and development through
competition policy represents a major step in what has been an evolutionary
process lasting more than four decades. The South African Government and our
society as a whole are prepared to take such steps in the spirit of transforming
the inherited state and economy. Judged by internationally accepted competition
law principles and practices, the transformation of South African policy should
not present any problems to those who believe that a competitive business
environment promotes efficiency and serves the public good. It should also
inspire all stakeholders to become involved, to help define the public interest,
to ensure the economy becomes more competitive and to promote development. This
competition policy is first and foremost an invitation to all South Africans to
participate in this process.
10.3.5
To these ends, the way forward would include a series of actions with
proposed time frames.
The
Way Forward from Competition Policy Guidelines to a Monopolies Bill
|
Action |
Timeframe |
|
Present
policy document at Nedlac
|
Nedlac
to provide comments within 3 months |
|
Start
preparing draft Monopolies Bill |
The
team of drafters in DTI will commence with the drafting of the bill as
soon as document is presented to Nedlac. The drafting will thus be a
parallel process to the Nedlac consideration process. The drafters will
thus have to be informed about the various policy amendments and
specific phrasing suggested in Nedlac. |
|
Publication
of the bill |
The
bill is to be published at the beginning of March 1998 for a period of
12 weeks |
|
Public
consultation process |
During
the period of publication, a series of workshops will be held across the
country |
|
Consideration
of all comments received |
To
be finalised within one month from last day of publication period (by
end of June 1998) |
|
Finalise
Bill |
By
end of July 1998 |
|
Prepare
cabinet memorandum and memorandum of objects and final Bill for
submission to the DG and the Minister |
By
end of July 1998 |
|
Submission
of above to Cabinet for principle approval |
Between
July and August 1998 |
|
Hand
Bill over to State Law Advisors for legal and technical preparation and
certification |
Between
August and September 1998 |
|
Publication
and tabling of bill in Parliament |
By
end of September 1998 |
|
Considered
by the select and portfolio committees of National Assembly and National
Council of Provinces (route 75), this would include the public hearings |
Between
September and October 1998 |
|
Second
reading debates in both houses |
By
end of October 1998 |
|
Act
passed in Parliament |
By
end of October 1998 |
|
Implementation
of the Act |
By
end of November 1998 |
|
Set
up proposed institutional frameworks |
Not
later than December 1998 |
1.1.1
The rules governing competition have both a private (common) law and a
public law dimension. The principal thrust of the common law is to protect what
may be defined as a person's "right to attract custom." As a general
rule, the effective exploitation of the right to attract custom requires a
distinctive product, trade name, trademark, etc. It sometimes happens that the
pursuit of the right to attract custom by one person could wrongfully impinge
upon another's right to attract custom.
1.1.2
There are various manifestations of such wrongful conduct, including
passing off, the acquisition and use of a competitor's trade secrets, the undue
influencing of a competitor's clients, disparaging a competitor's products or
spreading falsehoods about his person, business or products, competition in
breach of a statutory duty, and boycott actions. In cases of this kind, the
remedial action is before the ordinary civil courts of the country where the
recovery of damages is in accordance with the principles of aquilian liability.
1.1.3
In the public law domain, the Maintenance and Promotion of Competition
Act of 1979 (the "Act") is the governing statute. Although South
Africa has had legislation dealing with restrictive business practices for a
long time, it was only when the Act came into force on January 1, 1980 that a
more comprehensive competition law regime was established. This review deals
solely with the salient features of that dispensation. However, it must be
recognised that a particular set of facts could give rise to actions under
either the common law or in terms of the Act.
1.2.1
The Act expressly does not limit the rights acquired under intellectual
(industrial) property statutes (trademarks, designs, plant breeders, patents,
and copyright), provided that such rights are not used to enhance or maintain
the price of commodities. Furthermore, the Act cannot be construed to prevent
organisations of employees from protecting the interests of their members by
entering into agreements or arrangements with employers in respect of matters
covered by the applicable law governing labour relations. Subject to the
qualifications mentioned below, the Act applies to all sectors of the economy.
1.2.2
Some statutes or other enactments contain provisions which are at
variance with the provisions and underlying philosophy of the Act. In terms of
the accepted canons of statute interpretation, they will, as a general rule,
take precedence over the Act and may accordingly, either expressly or by
necessary implication, exclude the Act's operation in certain sectors or in
respect of certain activities.
1.3.1
The Act established the Competition Board (the "Board") as an
autonomous statutory body with an investigative and advisory competence relating
to matters regulated by the Act. It comprises a maximum of fourteen members who
are either appointed by the Ministers of Trade and Industry, Finance, and
Agriculture, or the nominee of the Governor of the Reserve Bank, or serve in an
ex officio capacity. The chairman of the Board is a full-time member. At
present, all the other members serve on a part-time basis. The Board is assisted
in the performance of its functions by career civil servants who are
collectively termed the Directorate: Investigations of the Competition Board.
1.3.2
The Board is empowered to undertake investigations into restrictive
practices, acquisitions, and monopoly situations and, following the completion
of such investigations, to make recommendations to the Minister of Trade and
Industry (the "Minister") on what action, if any, he should take to
remedy the situation. It must be emphasised that the Act does not specifically
prohibit restrictive practices, acquisition or monopoly situations. However, in
the appropriate circumstances, they could be prohibited by the Minister acting
on a recommendation by the Board.
1.4.1
A restrictive practice as defined in the Act means:
(a)
any agreement, arrangement or understanding, whether legally enforceable or not,
between two or more persons; or
(b)
any business practice or method of trading, including any method of fixing
prices, whether by the supplier of any commodity or otherwise; or
(c)
any act or omission on the part of any person, whether acting independently or
in concert with any other person; or
(d)
any situation arising out of the activities of any person or class or group of
persons, which restricts competition directly or indirectly by having or being
likely to have the effect of -
(i)
restricting the production or distribution of any commodity; or
(ii)
limiting the facilities available for the production or distribution of
any commodity; or
(iii)
enhancing or maintaining the price of any other consideration for any
commodity; or
(iv)
preventing the production or distribution of any of any commodity by the
most efficient and economical means; or
(vi)
preventing or retarding the development or introduction of technical
improvements or the expansion of existing markets or the opening up of new
markets; or
(vii)
preventing or retarding the adjustment of any profession or branch of
trade or industry to changing circumstances.
1.4.2
"Commodity" encompasses both goods and services.
1.4.3
Definition The definition of a restrictive practice may conveniently be
divided into cause and effect components. It is only if the act, omission or
situation mentioned in (a) to (d) restricts competition directly or indirectly
by having one of the effects mentioned in (i) to (vii) that one has to do with a
restrictive practice. "Restrict competition" is not a concept that is
defined in the Act. Making a judgment in respect thereof requires identifying
the relevant market as an important first step in that process.
1.4.4
Markets exist in two main dimensions, namely products (goods and
services) and geographical area. Cognizance is also taken of the relevant
functional market. This relates to the "level" at which a firm
operates in the life cycle of a product, for example, the production,
distribution (wholesale) or retail level. Furthermore, in demarcating the
relevant product market, substitute products are also taken into account.
1.4.5
Competition is a process which manifests itself as independent rivalry
between enterprises on a market in respect of all the dimensions of the
price-product-service package offered to customers and consumers. If as a result
of a particular transaction the market is obviously less conducive to
inter-enterprise rivalry, or if the ability of one or more enterprises to
compete effectively is significantly impaired, or if the barriers to entry
become more onerous, it will be accepted that competition will be restricted.
1.4.6
In common with the practice in other jurisdictions certain pernicious
forms of anti-competitive behaviour have been identified and outlawed. More
particularly, following an investigation by the Board, Government Notice 801 of
May 2, 1986 was promulgated by the Minister. It prohibits resale price
maintenance, price fixing, market sharing, horizontal collusion on conditions of
supply, and collusive tendering. The prohibition does not apply in respect of
any agreement, arrangement, understanding, business practice or method of
trading:
(1)
between or among:
(a)
a holding company and its wholly-owned subsidiary, or between companies
which are wholly-owned subsidiaries of the same holding company;
(b)
close corporations which have only the same person or persons as members;
(c)
companies of which all the shares are held by the same person or close
corporation, or between such close corporation and such companies; or
(d)
persons in relation to goods which are exported to any country outside of
the Southern African Customs Union; or
(2)
authorized by the provisions of any law.
1.4.7
The Act allows the Minister, acting on a recommendation of the Board, in
a particular case, to grant an exemption form one or more of the prohibitions
set out in Government Notice 801. Parties seeking an exemption must convince the
Board that an exemption is warranted. The greater the extent of the relevant
market affected by the unlawful conduct in question and the more numerous the
specific forms of such conduct for which exemption is sought, the more
convincing the evidence and arguments on which the applicants seek to rely
should be. Subjective and unsubstantiated opinions or speculation will not
suffice to discharge the onus which rests with the applicants.
1.4.8
Although not restricted in respect of the factors it may take into
account in assessing the merits of an application for exemption, the Board would
usually be more inclined to do so where the conduct under scrutiny would: (a)
result in an appreciable quantifiable economic benefit for consumers over an
extended period of time, or (b) enhance competition in the relevant market, for
example, where small firms can demonstrate that an exemption would enable them
to compete more effectively with other large firms.
1.4.9
All complaints of restrictive practices other than those falling within
the ambit of Government Notice 801 are dealt with on a case-by-case basis. In
assessing the merits of such complaints, the Board follows what may be regarded
as a rule of reason approach, which essentially entails forming a judgement
about the competitive significance of the restraint. Factors which are taken
into account in this process include the market power of the parties concerned,
the extent of interbrand competition on the market, the extent of foreclosure
resulting from the practice, the impact thereof on competitors, and any business
justification arguments for the practice that may be advanced. Practices by
firms having market power which have in the past been found to restrict
competition include refusal to deal, discriminatory pricing policies, exclusive
dealing, tying arrangements, boycott actions, and onerous restraint of trade
clauses.
1.5.1
The Board has jurisdiction to scrutinise all takeovers and mergers in
terms of which the holder of a controlling interest in any business acquires
such an interest in any other business operating in the same relevant market, or
in any asset of the latter business, provided the acquisition of such a
controlling interest restricts competition to an appreciable extent.
1.5.2
Various factors are taken into account in determining whether competition
in the relevant market has been, or is likely to be, appreciably restricted,
including:
(a)
the actual and potential level of import competition in the market;
(b)
barriers to entry;
(c)
the level of concentration in the market;
(d)
the degree of countervailing power in the market;
(e)
the likelihood that significant and substantially higher prices or profit
margins would result;
(f)
the extent to which substitute products are, or are likely to be,
available;
(g)
the dynamic characteristics of the market, including growth, innovation,
and product differentiation;
(h)
whether competitive parity among rival firms in the market would be
unduly distorted; and
(i)
the nature and extent of vertical integration in the market.
1.5.3
The degree of concentration in a market serves as a useful preliminary
screening device in assessing whether a takeover or merger is likely to have an
adverse effect on competition. For example, a combined post-acquisition market
share of under 10 percent will not give rise to any concerns, and it will
accordingly not be necessary to assess the impact of any of the other
above-mentioned factors on the transaction. On the other hand, high market
shares will not necessarily be determinative of the issue, in which case, the
above-mentioned factors come into play.
1.5.4
Parties involved in a merger or acquisition may of their own volition,
and shall when required by the Board to do so, provide the Board with the
necessary information relating to the transaction in accordance with the
Guidelines on Acquisitions of Control to enable it to make a meaningful
appraisal of the transaction. Mergers or acquisitions can be cleared
unconditionally or condoned subject to compliance with the conditions that may
be imposed.
1.6.1
"Monopoly situation" means a situation where any person, or two
or more persons with a substantial economic connection, control in the Republic
or any part thereof, wholly or to a large extent, the class of business in which
he, she or they are engaged in respect of any commodity. "Class of
business" is not defined in the Act, but the Supreme Court, in a
non-antitrust context, has held in regard to the sale of goods that there are
different classes of business according to the difference in character of the
goods sold and the varying manners in which business is conducted.
1.6.2
If one utilizes this dictum in the interpretation of the definition of
"monopoly situation," it is arguable that "class of
business" is a more tightly delineated market than the traditional
"relevant market."
1.6.3
A number of factors, any one of which, when taken separately, need not
necessarily be determinative, have a bearing on whether a person controls a
class of business, including
(a)
the market share, technical knowledge, and access to raw material and
capital resources of the person whose situation is being assesses;
(b)
the comparative strength of that person's competitors, if any, in the
relevant class of business and the ease with which new competitors could enter
such a business; and
(c)
the extent to which that person is constrained by the suppliers or
acquires of goods or services in the relevant class of business.
1.6.4
Before it can be accepted that two or more persons control a class of
business which none of the parties is able to do when acting unilaterally, it
must be shown that there is a substantial economic connection between them. This
is a question of fact to be assessed on a case-by-case basis. The relationship
between a holding company and its subsidiaries, or between a controlling company
and the companies it controls, points inexorably to such a connection. And so
too, arguably, does a cross holding of shares of significant proportions coupled
with interlocking directorates.
The
Act implicitly creates a rebuttable presumption that restrictive practices and
acquisitions that restrict competition to an appreciable extent are against the
public interest. On the other hand, unless the facts indicate otherwise,
monopoly situations per se are not presumed to be against the public interest.
1.7.1
The position is that parties involved in restrictive practices or mergers
and acquisitions could utilize the public interest factor as an escape mechanism
justifying their actions. "Public interest" is an open-ended concept.
The efficacy and credibility of competition law would be seriously undermined if
unsubstantiated claims of alleged public interest benefits were routinely
allowed to prevail over evidence that a particular transaction restricted
competition on the relevant market.
1.7.2
For this reason it is necessary for parties seeking condonation of a
transaction having anti-competitive effects to produce cogent evidence that will
satisfy the Board that the transaction can be justified on public interest
grounds.
1.7.3
The assessment process entails the identification, weighting, and
balancing of the detrimental (anti-competitive) and beneficial implications of
the transaction. This most frequently occurs in the case of mergers and
acquisitions. Improved utilisation of capacity and resources, the promotion of
research and development, minimising the loss of employment opportunities, the
rescuing of a failing company, enhancing the international competitiveness of
domestic enterprises, and improvements in the country's balance of payment
position are the public interest benefits cited most often by parties seeking
clearance for a transaction.
1.8.1
Investigations are undertaken by the Board on its own initiative or in
response to a complaint. The Minister can direct the Board to launch or
terminate an investigation, but this rarely happens. Complaints are initially
assessed on a preliminary basis in order to establish whether a formal
investigation is warranted. A formal investigation requires official
notification in the Gazette and is an essential procedural prerequisite for the
remedial or preventative actions for which the Act provides that may
subsequently be deemed necessary.
1.8.2
Interested parties are afforded 30 days from the date of publication of
the notice in the Gazette to make written submissions to the Board. These could
subsequently be supplemented by oral evidence. The Board is also empowered to
summon and to interrogate any person who is able to furnish information on the
subject of the investigation and may require such a person to produce to the
Board any book, document or other object in his or her possession that may have
a bearing on the matter.
1.8.3
There is no legal obligation on firms to give prior notice to the Board
of an envisaged merger or acquisition. However, since a merger or acquisition
that was not notified could subsequently be declared unlawful, most major firms
will usually seek clearance from the Board before proceeding with the
transaction. Applications for the condonation of a transaction are dealt with on
an ex parte basis. Where clearance is given in such cases the Board will always
reserve the right to reassess the transaction or to launch a formal
investigation should it receive or uncover additional information necessitating
such a course of action.
1.8.4
Once notification of a formal investigation has been published and before
the Board's report on the matter is submitted to him, the Minister may, on the
recommendation of the Board, prescribe by notice in the Gazette, for such period
as may be specified in the notice, such action as in the opinion of the Minister
needs to be taken to stay or prevent any restrictive practice which exists or
may come into existence or any acquisition being made or proposed, as the case
may be.
1.8.5
At any time after publication of a notice of an investigation, the Board
may negotiate with the appropriate person(s) with a view to making an
arrangement which, in the opinion of the Board, will ensure the discontinuance
of the restrictive practice, acquisition or monopoly situation which is the
subject of the investigation, or will remove the anti-competitive features
thereof. All such arrangements must be approved by the Minister and be published
in the Gazette.
1.8.6
Following the completion of an investigation the Board submits a report
to the Minister in which it findings and recommendations are set out. All
reports may be published by the Minister in the Gazette or be made known by him
in any other manner. They must also be tabled in Parliament.
1.9.1
The Minister has fairly extensive powers to deal with restrictive
practices, acquisitions, and monopoly situations. More specifically, the
Minister may declare the particular restrictive practice, acquisition or
monopoly situation unlawful by notice in Gazette and require the person who is
involved in the restrictive practice or monopoly situation, or who is a party to
the acquisition, to take such action as the Minister may deem appropriate to
remedy the situation. The dissolution of a body corporate or unincorporated, the
termination of the membership of a member of a body corporate, and the
suspension or termination of the voting rights attached to any shares are some
of the measures the Minister may prescribe. In exercising his discretion in this
regard, the Minister will adhere to the principle of proportionality. This
entails that the measures announced by the Minister to counter anti-competitive
transactions or situations must be effective without being excessive in the
circumstances.
1.10.1
There is a right of appeal by any person affected by a notice published
by the Minister to counter anti-competitive conduct, transactions or situations.
The appeal lies to a special court constituted for that exclusive purpose. The
members of the special court consist of a judge of the Supreme Court, who is the
president of the court, and two other appropriately qualified members appointed
by the country's president.
1.10.2
The appeal takes the form of a de nova reappraisal of the relevant issue,
following which the special court may confirm or set aside the Minister's notice
to which the appeal relates or amend it in such a manner as it may deem
equitable. The decision of the special court is not subject to appeal to or
review by any court of law.
1.11.1 Contravention of certain provisions of the Act and of Government Notice 801 of May 2, 1986 and other notices issued pursuant to the Act is an offence. Prosecutions in respect thereof are accordingly instituted and conducted before the criminal courts. A person convicted of a contravention of Government Notice 801 could be imprisoned for a period not exceeding five years or be required to pay a fine not exceeding R100 000.